OPINION: The Joke of “Democracy” in Cameroon and The Need for a New Strategy

By Hans Ngala

Democracy is loosely defined as a government of the people, for the people, and by the people. However, in Cameroon, a more apt definition would be a government of Paul Biya, for Paul Biya, and by Paul Biya. At least, that is the impression that one gets from looking at the political landscape in the country. On September 21, just weeks before voting day, Paul Biya, who is nearly 100 years old and has led Cameroon longer than most Cameroonians have been alive, made a surprise announcement that he was going off to Switzerland on one of his countless “private stays” in the European country.
The timing could not have been worse. While opposition candidates are running helter-skelter, trying to woo voters, Biya made it clear that all that was beneath him. He is a ‘god’ as his CRTV journalists love to refer to him. Biya is above the law, or at least the rules don’t apply to him obviously, and since he treats the Cameroonian presidency like it’s his birthright or personal property to which he is entitled, he can leave the country whenever he likes – even (and especially) just three weeks to election day.
The irony of Biya’s reckless insult to Cameroonians in going for his personal holiday while the country is fraught with a myriad of problems is that all this comes in the midst of his National Communication Council (NCC) banning all political debates on TV and radio. At this point, it is fair to say Biya’s government is acting like a dictatorship. This is a joke passing for “democracy”.
That Biya takes Cameroonians’ taxpayer money to fund his luxurious private stays in Europe is insulting enough. That his government then lectures Cameroonians on how they must respond to his near-dictatorial behavior is adding salt to injury. Territorial Administration Minister, Paul Atanga Nji, has turned his public appearances into crusades where he reminds opposition parties that they must only cry in the confines of their rooms for whatever disgruntlement they may face. He claims that the courts are the only channel through which they can take up any issues they may have against the system. But of course, this charade is only that – a charade. Cameroonians saw the blatant manipulation for themselves in the recent twisting of the system, which ensured that political heavyweights like Maurice Kamto should be barred from the race at all costs.
In the midst of all this, what stands out staggeringly is the sheer number of books that have been released by ministers in Biya’s government or even journalists. The latter group is even more disconcerting in opting to praise Biya, violating the sacrosanct calling of journalists to speak truth to power and maintain their journalistic independence. In Cameroon, it seems that if some journalists must survive, they must be in cahoots with the regime, defend the indefensible, and sing the praises of a man whose record in leadership is a monumental failure when examined in light of his eternal reign. That these books praising Biya are all being released just weeks before election day, while Biya treats himself to a European holiday reveals not only the rot in the political system with Biya at the helm, but also the sycophancy that permeates Cameroon’s politics. These books are somehow supposed to convince Cameroonians (because the writers believe Cameroonians to be stupid or suffering from amnesia or just can’t see reality) that Biya is the best thing to ever happen to Cameroon, and they must vote for him. These books are supposed to make Cameroonians believe that the presidency belongs to a man as ancient as time itself, a man who never interacts with them unless it’s time to deliver hollow speeches at New Year or on so-called “National Unity Day”.
While it is true that the Biya regime has a track record of being reckless and doing all it can to stifle dissent from the masses, the opposition is also not without blame. Biya has largely succeeded because over the years, opposition parties have remained deeply fractured – ushering Biya an easy path to victory. The truth must be told, Biya is deeply entrenched in the political system, and he knows that for his long stay in power to be justified (as he clearly intends to stay in power forever), he must lend a veneer of credibility to himself by masking these shows in the name of “elections”. Elections, which he clearly disregards as his current absence from the country demonstrates. The opposition must understand Biya’s ball game. If the opposition is serious about dislodging Biya and changing the course of history in Cameroon, they must first of all present a united front. As long as every election year sees the same tired scenario where several presidential candidates run separately, the ruling CPDM will keep winning. Opposition parties must understand that Cameroonians are hungry for change, but they will not vote for a fractured alternative. A single opposition candidate, one who is well-respected, competent, and can rally the support of the youth, civil society, and the diaspora, stands a chance to break Biya’s iron grip. This will require maturity, humility, and compromise — qualities that have often been absent in the opposition landscape. Rather than spending precious time bickering and accusing each other of being regime stooges, opposition leaders must come to the table with one agenda: the removal of a regime that has mortgaged Cameroon’s future for four decades.

Failure to reform their strategy will continue to gift Biya victory on a silver platter, no matter how unpopular he might be. Biya never came to power through an election, and he clearly doesn’t give a damn about elections, as is proven by his decision to prioritize his personal holidays over the needs of the country. Cameroonians are left with this option of voting for a lethargic and deeply corrupt, and incompetent government or an untested, fractured, and equally incompetent opposition. The result is that many, in their frustration, will likely end up not voting for either side of the political divide, and either option simply means victory for Biya, who calls the shots anyway. Therefore, the opposition must focus on grassroots mobilization, election monitoring, and parallel vote tabulation — not just empty social media campaigns. They must work with local communities, religious leaders, trade unions, and professional bodies to educate citizens on their rights and inspire them to vote massively. At this point, it is safe to say that opposition parties must prepare to defend the people’s vote in the streets if necessary, because in a system where the referee, the player, and the goalkeeper are all controlled by Biya, elections alone will not be enough.

In the end, Biya’s government might think that banning debates, intimidating opponents, and using state resources to cling to power is a winning strategy. But history has shown, from Tunisia to Burkina Faso and from Nepal to the Philippines, that when people are pushed to the wall for too long, they will eventually push back also. Cameroon is sitting on a powder keg of frustration — high youth unemployment, corruption, inflation, insecurity, and poor infrastructure — all of which could one day boil over. If the regime continues to close all democratic avenues for expression, it risks igniting the very thing it fears the most: mass street protests or even an Arab Spring-style uprising that could sweep it away overnight. The joke of democracy may continue for now, but every joke has an ending — and when the laughter stops, those in power will not be the ones laughing.