By Hans Ngala
The current phase of the age-old Anglophone Crisis, erupted in 2016 and was unfortunately overshadowed by coverage of the US presidential election that year. Barack Obama completed his second four-year term in January of that year and Donald Trump defeated Hillary Clinton in a hotly-contested election that was historic in many ways. The first ever Black president in American history had completed a second consecutive term and a female candidate (in the person of Hillary Clinton), was poised to become America’s first ever female president. Running against her was a rich billionaire in the person of Donald Trump – a well-known businessman with close ties to a lot of popular figures in the media and entertainment industry.
As this tussle for the White House played out in Western capitals, it became the center of attention for Western media – overshadowing any other political developments, including a political battle in the western corner of Cameroon where teachers and lawyers were protesting the oppression of the Anglophone minority. They later merged with other civil society groups to form the Anglophone Civil Society Consortium (CACSC) and the Consortium (as the public simply called it) later made a key demand from government: a return to the previous two-state federal system was the best way to ensure the preservation of Anglophones’ rights. At the mention of this, talks collapsed and the Consortiums’ leaders were arrested and the internet was cut off from the region.
Communications minister, Tchiroma Bakary initially denied that government had anything to do with it but as the internet blackout dragged on, he later admitted that government had indeed ordered internet providers to switch it off for “security reasons”. Leaders were in jail for weeks and during this time, President Paul Biya deployed a heavy contingent of troops to Bamenda, Buea, Limbe, Kumba and several other towns across the entire Anglophone region.
Cameroonians in the diaspora marched in their thousands, even going to the CNN offices in downtown Atlanta, Georgia in the USA with some carrying banners that read “President Trump, Cameroonian Christians are being oppressed” but these messages went largely ignored as Trump’s campaign had been to “Make America Great Again” – a clear reference to the fact that Obama’s presidency prior, had not been “great”. Trump’s policy was focused on immigration reform, targeting Muslim immigrants especially at that time. Unlike Obama before him who had African ancestry and had visited Africa on a few occasions, Trump famously referred to African countries using expletives.
It was clear that Cameroon Anglophone Crisis had cropped up a bad time, under the presidency of an America-centric president who didn’t care much about what happened in other countries. While Trump’s government later announced that it was cutting off military aid from Cameroon due to “credible allegations” of human rights abuses, this didn’t seem to deter the Cameroonian government too much from its high-handed approach to addressing the uprising in Anglophone regions. Instead, the Cameroonian authorities warned journalists to steer clear of commentary or reporting on the protests at the time. The authorities used Cameroon’s 2014 anti-terrorism legislation to intimidate journalists, prompting the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) to issue a lengthy statement, clarifying that journalists are not terrorists and that using anti-terror legislation to silence journalists would only result in more abuse of power.
As Trump engaged in radical policy transformation in the US, America’s allies also focused their attention on the US and even African partners were focused on the US. All this attention towards the US meant that no one was paying attention to most conflicts in Africa and as a result, in 2018, the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) named Cameroon as the world’s most neglected crisis. The following year, Cameroon still topped the NRC’s list of most neglected crises and once more this June 3rd, 2025, Cameroon topped that list – for the third time.
This neglect, the NRC say is due to three main factors, including media neglect, political neglect and lack of humanitarian funding.
“International solidarity is being overtaken by increasingly introverted and nationalistic policies in previously generous donor nations. This is deepening the neglect of people affected by crisis and displacement at a time when a record number of people have been forced from their homes. Across Europe, the United States and elsewhere we have seen donors turn their backs on people in their hour of need,” said Jan Egeland, Secretary General of NRC.
While Cameroon had previously been relatively stable despite lingering tensions within her borders, it had never experienced crisis on the scale witnessed by its neighbors such as Chad, the Central African Republic or eastern Nigeria. That changed in 2017 however, when the country’s Anglophone Crisis morphed into an armed conflict and reports began emerging, of separatists killing soldiers in retaliation to military excesses and killings which had initially left four people dead in Bamenda in December of 2016.
The International Crisis group had warned around that same period that “murderous repression” of protests by Cameroonian authorities would lead to “an armed insurgency” but Tchiroma, then serving as communications minister, quickly called a press conference at his office in Yaounde and dismissed the Group’s warnings as coming from people who were on the “payroll of secessionists”. Cameroonian authorities did all they could to downplay the seriousness of the issue, including Biya’s refusal to even remotely mention the conflict during his speech to the UN General Assembly in September 2017, even though citizens in the NW and SW were eager to hear what their leader had to say. This political ploy by Biya also ensured that the prying eyes of the international community with the blinding light of its foreign media, did not begin to scrutinize the killings happening in Cameroon from both sides, leaving a trail of civilians dead in their wake.
While global geopolitical distractions, like the 2016 U.S. elections and inward-looking Western policies, certainly contributed to the invisibility of the Anglophone Crisis, they are not the only culprits. Several other key factors—both internal and external—have helped keep the conflict largely ignored on the global stage, despite its devastating humanitarian toll.
1. Media Suppression and Government Control of Information
One of the most significant factors has been the Cameroonian government’s systematic suppression of the free press. Independent journalists reporting on the conflict have been harassed, detained, or accused of promoting terrorism under the controversial 2014 anti-terrorism law. This has created a climate of fear and self-censorship, limiting in-depth, independent reporting from the ground. In rural conflict zones, access for journalists is restricted, and even international media often rely on second-hand reports due to security risks. With no strong national or international press presence in key hotspots like Kumbo, Muyuka, or Ekona, atrocities often go undocumented and unreported.
2. Diplomatic Apathy and Geopolitical Marginalization
Cameroon is not a strategic interest for major world powers. Unlike conflicts in Ukraine, Israel-Palestine, or Syria—which impact energy supply lines, refugee flows into Europe, or global terrorism—Cameroon’s crisis is considered “low stakes” in the eyes of major actors. France, Cameroon’s former colonial power, has maintained close ties with President Paul Biya’s regime, and has often been accused of turning a blind eye in exchange for continued economic and military cooperation. The African Union and regional blocs such as ECCAS (Economic Community of Central African States) have also failed to take meaningful action, often citing the principle of non-interference in internal affairs.
3. Fragmentation Among Separatist Movements
The Anglophone struggle lacks a unified front. With multiple separatist groups—some based abroad and others in the bush—there is no single, credible body to negotiate on behalf of the movement. Frequent infighting among separatist leaders, conflicting ideologies, and disputes over control have weakened their legitimacy and made international mediators skeptical about engaging. Without a clear, coordinated leadership structure, the crisis risks being viewed as chaotic and unresolvable, further discouraging international involvement.
*4. *Limited Humanitarian Access and Donor Fatigue*
International humanitarian agencies have struggled to gain sustained access to conflict zones. Bureaucratic red tape, poor infrastructure, and attacks on aid workers have made it difficult to provide consistent support. Donor fatigue is also growing. In a world where multiple crises compete for attention—from climate disasters to wars in Sudan, Gaza, and Ukraine—Cameroon’s crisis is frequently overlooked in funding appeals. The result is a chronic lack of resources for displaced populations, reinforcing their invisibility.
5. Lack of Diaspora Political Clout
Though the Cameroonian diaspora has organized protests and campaigns abroad, it lacks the political leverage needed to influence Western foreign policy significantly. Unlike the Ukrainian or Palestinian diasporas, the Cameroonian diaspora is not politically organized in a way that can consistently lobby Western governments or dominate international media discourse. Their messages are often lost in the noise of more politically charged global conflicts.
What Can Be Done?
To address this crisis meaningfully, several steps must be taken:
• International Mediation and Pressure: Global actors—particularly the UN, African Union, and EU—must push for inclusive dialogue. Neutral mediators like Switzerland or the Vatican can offer a platform for both sides to negotiate, provided all parties are willing.
• Revive a Credible Federalism Debate: A genuine national conversation about a return to a federal structure could rebuild trust. Decentralization alone has failed. The Anglophone population must be assured of political and cultural autonomy within a united Cameroon.
*• * Press Freedom and Protection of Journalists:** Cameroon must be held accountable for its suppression of media. International watchdogs and diplomatic missions should demand legal reforms to safeguard journalists and allow free reporting from conflict zones.
• Humanitarian Scale-Up: Donor nations should increase funding and logistical support for relief operations in the NW and SW regions. This includes support for education, health services, trauma counseling, and resettlement programs for displaced people.
*• * Diaspora Engagement:** The Cameroonian diaspora must organize into more cohesive lobbying structures, partnering with human rights organizations and lawmakers in host countries to keep the crisis on global agendas.
As the Anglophone Crisis enters its ninth year, silence is no longer an option. What began as peaceful protest has become one of Africa’s deadliest and most ignored conflicts. To stop the suffering and prevent further radicalization, meaningful action—both domestic and international—is urgently needed.
