Franco-Cameroonian Relations: Researchers find France “not guilty” of colonial-era crimes
By Synthia Lateu and by Hans Ngala
A group of researchers from France and Cameroon has released their findings on France’s role during the build-up to independence in French Cameroon. They documented France’s influence on Cameroonian nationalist movements between 1945 and 1971 and found France not solely guilty of crimes she had often been accused of during that period.
During his 2022 visit to West Africa, French President Emmanuel Macron made Cameroon his first stop and while at a joint press conference with Paul Biya at the Unity Palace, Macron was asked by a Cameroonian reporter about the role of France in the pre-independence war-led by the UPC party in French Cameroon. Macron promised to set up a commission to look into the matter and made a formal announcement in 2023 to that effect.
A 15-page summary of those findings, a copy of which CNA obtained, highlights that the project presents a comprehensive history of the decolonization war during this period in four sections.
The document asserts that “The French colonial authorities corrupted and manipulated Cameroonian political life to maintain their positions during a period of decolonization and the Cold War.”
The findings of the Franco-Cameroonian researchers examined the genesis of the conflict between colonial authorities and independence movements (1945-1955) and also delved into the shift from political, diplomatic, police, and judicial repression to the independence war led by the French army (1955-1960). These actions continued despite the political transition and independence of French Cameroon (1960-1965) and even beyond, as French aid persisted within the framework of cooperation between the two countries (1965-1971).
According to the joint team of Cameroonian and French researchers, the findings offer new insights into how Cameroonians embraced nationalist ideas, guided by key leaders such as Ruben Um Nyobe, Félix-Roland Moumié, Abel Kingué, and Ernest Quandié, particularly in the South and West of the country and in lesser-known areas. It underscores why the French authorities could not impede the UPC’s success, prompting them to resort to a range of legal, illegal, and violent methods to counter this influence.
“We hope that this report, for which we have worked—drawing from an already rich historiography, advancing new analyses, and exploring new archives, both public and private, from Cameroon and France—will be useful to all those who were unaware of this sad colonial past shared with Cameroon, particularly in France,”
The role of colonial authorities in the battle of public opinion launched after May 1955 is also highlighted, where anti-UPC sentiments were fostered through the press, labeling the movement as a terrorist to further delegitimize its political project. Following the ban on the UPC, police repression continued throughout the territory. The report notes that approximately fifty women were tried and sentenced between 1956 and 1958 for their political activities following the dissolution of UPC political organizations. While they faced a fate similar to that of male activists, they were also subjected to different modes of repression.
The report discusses the French authorities’ involvement in the Cameroonian transition process from 1958 to 1964, particularly favoring Ahmadou Ahidjo’s ascent as Prime Minister in February 1958 and subsequently as President. It emphasizes how Ahidjo, along with his government and several Cameroonian political leaders, constructed an autocratic regime with the support of French authorities, represented by advisors and administrators who endorsed the repressive measures then adopted.
The 14 researchers express hope that this document will provide a solid foundation for those interested in studying the relations between France and Cameroon or the history of Cameroon, and more generally, the colonial history of France in Africa.
