Anglophone Marginalization: A Numbers Game That Was Never Going to Favor the NW,SW

By Hans Ngala

In 1961, the former British Southern Cameroons found itself in a precarious position. As a United Nations Trust Territory, it was compelled through a plebiscite to choose between joining the already independent states of Nigeria or French Cameroun. Independence as a separate entity was not an option on the ballot. With a population of barely 800,000 compared to French Cameroun’s 3.2 million, Southern Cameroons entered the federation from a weaker bargaining position. This demographic imbalance set the tone for what would become an uneven partnership—one that has since been consolidated into a centralized unitary state, leaving Anglophones politically and economically disadvantaged.
The federation created in 1961 was supposed to be a partnership of equals. Southern Cameroons became West Cameroon, with its own Prime Minister, legislature, and judiciary, while French Cameroun became East Cameroon. In theory, this dual structure preserved autonomy and cultural identity. In practice, however, the demographic disparity meant that Anglophone voices were outnumbered in federal decision-making. With four times the population, East Cameroon naturally commanded greater political weight. By 1972, President Ahmadou Ahidjo capitalized on this imbalance by organizing a referendum that replaced the federation with a unitary system. The move was presented as a step toward national unity but effectively erased the federal safeguards that had protected Anglophone interests.
The consequences of this centralization are felt most starkly in how resources and opportunities are distributed. In public sector recruitment, Anglophones—who make up roughly 20–25% of Cameroon’s population—are often allocated far less than proportional quotas. Civil service exams and elite schools like ENAM (École Nationale d’Administration et de Magistrature) consistently admit disproportionately low numbers of English-speaking candidates, partly due to systemic bias and the predominance of French in official procedures. This underrepresentation extends into government ministries, the military, and the diplomatic corps, where Anglophones occupy only a handful of senior positions.
The state budget tells a similar story of inequity. Despite the fact that the Anglophone regions of the Northwest and Southwest generate significant revenue through agriculture, timber, and oil (notably offshore Limbe), public investment in infrastructure and social services in these regions remains minimal. Roads, hospitals, and schools are underfunded compared to Francophone regions. In essence, Anglophones contribute to the national economy without receiving proportional returns—a classic case of taxation without adequate representation.
Concrete examples illustrate this structural marginalization. At ENAM, which serves as the gateway to Cameroon’s administrative elite, Anglophone candidates have historically been admitted at disproportionately low rates. For instance, in the 2014 and 2015 admission cycles, Anglophones represented less than 10% of successful candidates, despite being a quarter of the national population. In some years, the figure has fallen as low as 5%, creating a situation where the state bureaucracy—responsible for shaping and implementing policy—remains overwhelmingly Francophone. This lack of representation filters down into local governance: decisions on education, justice, and health are often taken without sufficient regard for Anglophone contexts – decisions are simply dictated from Yaounde to the whole country as if the cultural, linguistic and geographic realities are homogenous for the entire country.
Budget allocations are similarly lopsided. Studies by Cameroonian economists have shown that less than 10% of public investment between 2000 and 2015 was directed toward the Northwest and Southwest combined. Yet these two regions contribute significantly to the national treasury. For example, oil revenues from offshore fields of SONARA near Limbe, which generate billions of CFA francs annually, are managed from Yaoundé with little reinvestment locally in Limbe. By contrast, infrastructure projects in Douala and Yaoundé receive disproportionate funding, including the modernization of Douala’s port and the construction of the Kribi deep-sea port, while equivalent projects in Limbe have been repeatedly delayed and more recently abandoned altogether in favor of Kribi.
Even in political representation, the imbalance is glaring. Out of more than 60 ministerial positions, Anglophones typically hold fewer than five, often in ministries without major financial clout. Atanga Nji is the first ever Territorial Administration minister – a position he got after repeated complaints from Anglophones. In the armed forces, fewer than 10% of senior officers are Anglophones, even though their regions are at the center of an ongoing conflict. This underrepresentation not only limits Anglophone influence on policy but also fuels the perception of deliberate marginalization.
These imbalances have fueled deep resentment and mistrust. The ongoing Anglophone Crisis, which erupted in 2016 with protests by teachers and lawyers, draws its roots from decades of marginalization under the unitary system. What began as demands for the restoration of federalism and respect for bilingualism has escalated into a violent conflict, with separatist movements calling for outright independence under the name “Ambazonia.” Ironically, the unitary system designed to prevent fragmentation has instead amplified divisions, putting Cameroon’s territorial integrity at risk.
Addressing these issues requires a fundamental rethinking of governance. One solution could be a return to a federal structure that grants meaningful autonomy to the Anglophone regions. In addition to this, the government should implement proportional representation in public recruitment, budget allocations, and political appointments to ensure that Anglophones receive their fair share. Moreover, genuine bilingualism—where English has equal standing with French in administration, education, and justice—must be enforced, not just proclaimed. Civil servants should be mandated to take bilingualism proficiency tests and only those who are bilingual should be recruited into the public service. Ultimately, Cameroon’s unity cannot be sustained by numbers alone. A just and inclusive system that recognizes the unique identity and contributions of Anglophones is essential. Unless these structural imbalances are corrected, the unitary state will remain fragile, haunted by the very crisis it sought to prevent.