By Beryu Yundze
As October 12 approaches, there are increasing calls for an Anglophone to become the next President of Cameroon. While some are pushing for an Anglophone-led opposition coalition, others are suggesting that power should be handed to an Anglophone simply because two Francophones from two major political zones have held the position. This advocacy implies that Anglophones are eager for representation especially at the helm of the state.
But what is Anglophone representation?
Is it the mere fact of having somebody from the former West Cameroon in a position of power or is it the need for someone that will reflect Anglophone values?
For decades, there have been calls for Anglophone representation both in infrastructure and people. Anglophones have long called for the completion of initiatives like the Limbe Deepsea port, the Menchum falls electricity scheme and more. However, most Anglophones have failed to analyze and question how the existing institutions like SONARA, the Police Academy in Mutengene or the BIR camp in Man O’war Bay are representative of Anglophones because they are built in the Anglophone area? Of course, Anglophones have and will benefit from petite direct and indirect jobs, but the question is that of representation. How will these projects reflect the Anglophone experience?
In 2018, the head of state fulfilled one of the main requests of Anglophone protesters by appointing Anglophones to two important ministries. Anglophones in 2016 complained that an Anglophone has never been assigned to the ministries of Defense, Territorial Administration, Finance, and more. One of the 2018 nominations made an Anglophone the minister of Territorial Administration, a position he has held to this day – 2025. Likewise, the country’s Prime Ministers since 1992 have all been Anglophones. Moreover, in addition to a good number of police commissioners, there are also many Anglophone army generals and colonels, but French remains the language of command in both corps. Moreso, although the bilingualism commission’s head is Anglophone, most government communications are still in French or are initially published in French, consequently putting Anglophones on hold for translations. The same goes for state media and parastatals. This suggests that Anglophone representation is not in low supply. Thus, can any of these positions held by Anglophones be said to be representative of Anglophones? What then is Anglophone representation if the Anglophone experience cannot be reflected in these positions?
Legislative and Municipal Representation
After honorable Wirba Joseph’s address at the National Assembly a few years back, many Anglophones applauded him, but others condemned him for being out of the ordinary. The ordinary is seeing Anglophone lawmakers passing legislation without bringing up the issues facing their people or fellow Anglophones. Some Anglophone CPDM lawmakers will still be elected in the upcoming legislative elections, but they have yet to address the eight-year-old conflict. In like manner, some mayors in the Anglophone regions have increased their mandates by two or threefold though the populace is yet to see their wishes materialize. Although this set of politicians are elected by them, Anglophones continue to lament a lack of representation, neglecting the reality that voting imposes the entire responsibility of accountability on the people.
So, can an Anglophone president in a Francophone environment be able to provide the representation that Anglophones want, or will he just be what Obama was to the Black people who hoped he would represent them? Will he be able to make Anglophones heard and seen? Can there ever be true representation in the current situation if Anglophone representation is defined as a mirror of Anglophone values?
Although Anglophones have always had the opportunity to choose their representatives in municipal and legislative elections, they have rarely questioned how these individuals are actually representing them. They only support the “big man vs. small man” theory and instead revere the people they ought to be challenging.
True representation can only come from bottom to top. The likelihood of genuine Anglophone representation increases if the people challenge and hold their leaders accountable. This will compel them to make informed decisions. A top-bottom approach has proven futile repetitively and it is time for the Anglophone base to regain its political consciousness.
Possibilities for Pragmatic Anglophone Representation
- Choose candidates who deal with local issues rather than those who give momentary gifts.
- Hold town hall meetings every six months to probe politician about their promises.
- Ensure that power remains with the people by participating in the political processes
- Task parliamentarians with addressing Anglophone issues and advocating for Anglophone interests.
- Vote for political parties that focus on collective interest
Practical Ways to Do a Bottom-to-Top Approach
- Demand the election—not appointment—of governors for the Northwest and Southwest regions.
Anglophones should push for regional governors to be elected by the people, not imposed by Yaoundé. This would restore regional autonomy and boost local legitimacy. - Advocate for financial decentralization: retain 70% of regional revenue locally.
The Northwest and Southwest regions should retain 70% of internally generated revenue for development projects, with only 30% remitted to the central government. This would enable roads, hospitals, and water projects to be locally controlled and prioritized. - Establish regional development boards made up of civil society, traditional leaders, and local experts.
These boards should oversee the use of public funds and ensure they are spent on infrastructure, education, and youth empowerment—based on local needs. - Launch independent civic education campaigns.
Local NGOs, churches, and media should run sustained campaigns to educate citizens on their constitutional rights, decentralization, and how to hold leaders accountable—moving beyond election periods. - Encourage community-led monitoring of public projects.
Local citizens and watchdog groups should track budget allocations and monitor road, school, or hospital construction projects. This prevents embezzlement and promotes transparency.
About the author:
Beryu Yundze holds a PhD in Political Science and International Relations. Before pursuing graduate studies in Turkey, he worked as a reporter with several newspapers in Cameroon. He’s currently a researcher with interest in security, democracy, governance, deconstruction and African traditional government systems.
