ANALYSIS: Seven years after the declaration of ‘Ambazonia’s’ Independence: What lessons have we learned?

By Hans Ngala

Today marks exactly seven years since the Southern Cameroons Ambazonia Consortium United Front (SCACUF) declared the “independence of Ambazonia”.

“Today, we reaffirm our autonomy over our heritage and our territory,” the Southern Cameroons Ambazonia Consortium United Front (SCACUF) said in a statement on Facebook on October 1, 2017.

The statement from SCACUF followed the collapse of talks in Bamenda after which the government outlawed all the groups it had been in negotiations with and arrested some of the leaders.

Seven years on, the Anglophone Crisis has morphed from mere street protests by teachers, lawyers, and various trade unions, into a full-scale armed conflict between various secessionist groups and Cameroonian soldiers.

The Biya administration has made it clear that the form of the state in its current dispensation, is not up for discussion – a key demand of the separatist groups.

Two major National Dialogues have been held in an attempt to resolve the deadly clashes, but have failed to result in any substantial gains – at least from the perspective of the separatists. Government in its hardline approach has maintained that it has done enough to resolve the conflict and continues to deploy troops and ammunition to the Anglophone regions in an attempt to quell the ever-present threat of a break-away state of ‘Ambazonia’ – the preferred name for the country separatists hope to carve out of the current Northwest and Southwest regions.

Before proceeding with an analysis of this nature, it is helpful to establish some facts. First of all, this is not an article in support of any group. It is neither a condemnation of any one group or person, but rather an objective look at the state of the conflict and a proffering of solutions that will be in the best interest of all Cameroonians regardless of their political affiliations and beliefs concerning the current conflict in the Anglophone regions.

What Are the Facts?

The fact is that in September 2017, during the United Nations General Assembly, there was still widespread expectation among Anglophones that President Paul Biya in his address to the Assembly, would address the Anglophone Crisis that was at its infancy at the time. But Biya’s speech made no mention of the Crisis, to the chagrin of Anglophones.

When the Cameroon Anglophone Civil Society Consortium went into talks with Prime Minister Philemon Yang (himself an Anglophone) in Bamenda, the Consortium’s key demand later hinged on the fact that for the Crisis to be solved, a return to a two-state arrangement had to be on the table.

With the Government’s unwillingness to yield, various armed groups began to spring up in the Anglophone regions.

The groups initially with support from the populations, have since become unpopular with their proclivity for violence towards the very Anglophone population for whom they claim to be fighting. This has been exacerbated by the fact that the general Anglophone population is waking up to the reality that the “independence” that was promised by these groups is increasingly far-fetched with each passing day as more loss of lives and property are recorded in the region.

The Silence of Yaounde in Cho Ayaba’s Arrest

While there is a general sense of relief among Anglophones with news of the arrest of Cho Ayaba on September 27, the silence of Yaounde following Ayaba’s arrest may be an indication that Yaounde had little to do with the arrest. Ayaba may not be extradited to Cameroon as he holds a German passport instead. Nevertheless, his arrest will send a warning to other separatist leaders, the majority of whom reside in Europe and North America.

It is unlikely that these arrests will outright stop the Crisis, but it is likely to cause resentment among Cho Ayaba’s ‘Ambazonia Defense Forces’ who are continually locked in gunfights with Cameroon’s army and also visit wanton brutality on Anglophones deemed to not be in support of the group.  The government has offered to rehabilitate fighters who are willing to drop their weapons and renounce violence, but a good number remain wary of the government, preferring to stay in the bushes and engage in kidnaps for ransom as a tactic to raise funds.

Ambazonian Groups Turning on the Anglophone Population

Over eight years since the start of the Anglophone Crisis in late 2016, violence only emerged around 2017 and has shown no signs of stopping completely. As the government refuses to engage in any discussions that question the form of the state, frustration has set in among Ambazonian separatist groups who turn on the population to demonstrate their control over the region. Their declarations of numerous ‘Ghost Towns’ and violence on the public is also a result of Yaounde refusing – or perhaps – delaying, any talks about the form of the state. The population has grown impatient with the groups in both the NW and SW regions and is increasingly turning against their approach.

While it is difficult to gauge the level of support for secession or federalism which was the initial demand from the teachers and lawyers’ unions, indeed, the initial problems have not been sufficiently addressed to the satisfaction of Anglophones.

Divisions Among Groups

The divisions of the Anglophone groups, the sheer number of groups in existence make it even harder for the government to know what group to engage in talks with at this point.

While Sisiku Ayuk Tabe remains jailed since his arrest in 2018, he was almost the face and voice of separatist demands at one point. He may still carry influence if, and when the Biya administration decides to get into talks with separatists. But Mr. Biya who is over 90 years old may not be willing to do so and as time goes on, speculations will be that his imminent successor may have a difficult task ahead in solving what has probably been Biya’s most difficult challenge in his 40-decade rule.

What is the way forward?

At the end of the day, Biya and his advisers must realize that simply chanting “Cameroon is one and indivisible” is not enough to solve the problem. The regime must be willing to make concessions, a key one which is to discuss on the form of the state. Labelling those who bring up discussions about the form of the state as “unpatriotic” is disingenuous in itself as it purports in an Orwellian fashion that some Cameroonians are more patriotic than others. Nothing could be further from the truth. The government must realize that it holds the power to solve this problem by convening a national and inclusive dialogue. This means that all factions, have to come to the table and discussions about the way forward have to be held.
After eight hard years of this conflict (during which the Anglophone population has paid a heavy price), it is clear that things are not working in the status quo. A new arrangement is needed. If Government truly believes that no topic is taboo as erstwhile communications minister, Tchiroma Bakary remarked during his tenure, then a discussion into federalism should be up for discussion. An arrangement in which Government retains its central powers while ceding some affairs like local governance, election of governors who should be indigenes of the Anglophone regions and have control over a certain portion of their respective regional budgets. This was the dispensation for a little over a decade from 1961 until 1972 and if it worked then, it should work now. Besides, our country’s presidential mansion is called the “Unity Palace” to reflect the unity in diversity that the country enjoys. If President Biya wants to leave a good legacy as the years and age take their toll on him, then a discussion regarding the form of the state should be something he should be willing to entertain as father of the nation. We come in peace.

Hans Ngala is a CNA editor based in Cape Town, South Africa. He holds an M.A. in Journalism from the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg and covers politics, religion and health.